Transterrestrial Radio with Robert Knight   Gary Webb on Dark Alliance "retraction" 
The Year the Contras Invaded theUnited States 
CIA-Contra-Coke Connection: "The Smoking Pipe" 
More Empirical Evidence of the Contra Cocaine Glut 
"Dark Compliance" as CIA seal vanishes from SJMN logo 
Knight & Bernstein's CIA-contra-cocaine exposés 
Dennis Bernstein's Home Page 
"Earthwatch" Home Page 

A Secret History of the clandestine establishment of Narcocracy in the Americas

© 1996, 1997 by Robert Knight


"Dark Compliance"


SJMN Editorial Meeting:

Ceppos Retracts, Grouchos Retorts, and Harpos Has 'No Comment'

'Marx-ism' @ SJMN Editorial Board
Mercury News editor Jerry Ceppos (left) contemplates CIA cocaine retraction with co-editors "Chicos," "Grouchos" and "Harpos" (l. - r.).

You gotta figure, it had to happen. The San Jose Mercury News has backed off its groundbreaking "Dark Alliance" series on the CIA-crack-cocaine connection.

We saw the writing on the wall late last year, when the CIA was "disappeared" from the bold logo of the Mercury News series.
Did the "men in black" make a visit to "Mercury"?

 SJMN executive editor Jerry Ceppos has now "repudiated" the most salient implication of the series: that there was pervasive collusion, sanctioned at the highest levels, between the Central Intelligence Agency and Central American drug dealers who delivered weapons and clandestinely funded the illegal contra war against Nicaragua with proceeds from the unprecedented levels of sanctioned cocaine importation which resulted in the "crack" epidemic in America.

For observers, participants and journalists who have witnessed the destruction of a generation through the pathology of cascading quantities of cocaine and "crack," it is extraordinarily frustrating to hear the repeated denials of investigators, officials and the agencies which were in a unique position to allow the import of record levels of coke into the United States.

Despite court testimony, congressional investigations, and revelations by whistleblowing officers, pilots police and operatives, the American public is still presented with blanket denials by the likes of Bill Clinton's Attorney General Janet "No evidence" Reno and former DCI John "No substance" Deutch. And now  chastized editor Ceppos, who published a significant ground-level analysis of the contra-cocaine connection, has thrown the baby out with the bathwater.

Series author Gary Webb, declared on May 16, 1997 that:

"The only 'shortcoming' in our Dark Alliance series is that it didn't go far enough.  

What Mr. Ceppos' column fails to mention is that, as a result of our continuing investigation, we DO have evidence of direct CIA involvement with this Contra drug operation. We have evidence that at least one top CIA official in Washington was aware of the drug ring's activities in El Salvador. We also know that these traffickers were more deeply involved with the U.S. intelligence community than we reported last year. 

Perhaps one day Mr. Ceppos will allow us to share this information with the public. "

And yet, editor Ceppos admits that --

"Our series solidly documented disturbing information: A drug ring associated with the Contras sold large quantities of cocaine in inner-city Los Angeles in the 1980s at the time of the crack explosion there. Some of the drug profits from those sales went to the Contras. 

Given our government's involvement with the Contras, I believe this is a major public policy issue worthy of further investigation."

CIA Inspector General to Continue
Looking Into Crack Allegations
'The Inspector General'
"Internal and congressional inquiries won't be dropped despite newspaper's admission that investigative series linking agency to smuggling was flawed."

-- L.A. Times
May 13, 1997

Couldn't agree more.

As you will see from some of our publications, my partner Dennis Bernstein and I have spent a decade documenting this self-evident process. There is much more to be said, and it will be said here in the coming days.

So, please read on, bookmark this page, return often, and share your comments as we advance the plot from the anecdotal to the empirical.

Robert Knight -- 5/15/97




When the Contras Invaded the United States

The year was 1985, and the covert war against Nicaragua came home to the streets and suburbs of America with a vengeance.

You could call it the cocaine war. And 1985 was the the high water mark of the contra invasion, which had air cover and logistical assistance provided by our own clandestine agencies and military facilities.

The effects of the contra invasion were devastating. The National Institute for Drug Abuse called 1985 "the peak year for cocaine prevalence." It was the year that cocaine-related deaths and emergency room visits increased to 29,000, up from 5,000 in 1981.

Why 1985? For a simple reason: That was the height of the restrictions placed on the CIA by the Congress against their direct support for the contras in Nicaragua. The beginnings of the cocaine epidemic of the 1980s can be directly traced to a National Security Council-directed system set up to violate the will of Congress preventing direct CIA or "intelligence agency" aid to the contras.


The "smoking pipe"

CIA-crack epidemic: The 'smoking pipe'  This chart shows the reported use of cocaine within the past year by high school seniors during the two-decade period from 1975 to 1996. 

The data is from the "High School Senior Survey," funded by the National Institute on Drug Abuse and conducted nationwide through the auspices of the University of Michigan. 

The blue line is a third-degree polynomial trendline, which reveals the overall pattern of cocaine use, eliminating the anomalous "noise" or unusual phonemena in the data set. 

As is evident, there is an "unusual phenomenon" in the (yellow) highlighted part of the dataset. Why is this? 

The blue trendline tells us the overall rate of cocaine use in the U.S. was actually decreasing after the heyday of the late 1970s and early 1980s, when Central American instability, including the guerilla war in El Salvador and the 1979 revolution in Nicaragua created a temporarily chaotic environment that allowed regional drug dealers to increase the flow of drugs into North America due to weakened official enforcement facilities. 

But even though the United States' rate of cocaine importation -- and consumption -- had been diminishing, the yellow-shaded "anomalies" of 1985, 1986 and 1987 show that something happened during those years to artificially increase cocaine (and "crack") activity in the United States. 

What we propose is that this empirically verifiable "cocaine glut" resulted from collaboration between the National Security Council, officers of the Central Intelligence Agency (and other U.S. instrumentalities dedicated to the overthrow of Nicaragua) and indigenous agents, druglords, weapons dealers, military and transportation specialists who could locally assist in the clandestine flow of weapons south to the contras, and cocaine north to America's cities, with the kickback of cocaine drug profits which would, at least in part, be channelled back into the contra effort during a time direct aid was forbidden by Congress' enactment of the "Boland Amendment."



The Boland Amendment

The "Boland Amendment" refers to two public laws enacted by Congress during the 1980s which denied military ("Boland I"), and then direct economic and intelligence aid ("Boland II") to the CIA-sponsored anti-Sandinista mercernaries whose goal was the reversal of the "marxist" anti-Somosa 1979 revolution in Nicaragua.

The first "Boland Amendment" became law on December 21, 1982. This amendment to the "War Powers Act" delimited the military appropriations budget of fiscal year 1985 as follows:

"None of the funds provided in this Act may be used by the Central Intelligence Agency or the Department of Defense to furnish military equipment, military training or advice, or other support for military activities, to any group or individual ... for the purpose of overthrowing the government of Nicaragua."

"Boland I" remained in effect until October 3, 1984, when an even stronger version, "Boland II," was enacted:

"During fiscal year 1985, no funds available to the Central Intelligence Agency, the Department of Defense, or any other agency or entity of the United States involved in intelligence activities may be obligated or expended for the purpose or which would have the effect of supporting, directly or indirectly, military or paramilitary operations in Nicaragua by any nation, group, organization, movement, or individual."

"Boland II," which held effect until December 5, 1985, was the "straw that broke the camel's back," as far as the Reagan White House, the National Security Council, the CIA, and its clients in the Nicaraguan countryside were concerned.

It was during "Boland II" that an off-the-shelf privatized intelligence network, spearheaded by Lt. Col. Oliver North, operating through the NSC out of a basement of the Executive Office Building, proceeded to make up more than the missing $30 million in contra aid by "privatized" contributions. Those "donations" to the contra "freedom fighters" came from two sources: the clandestine sale of arms in the Middle East (the "Iran-contra" scandal), and the profits from the sale of cocaine which was allowed through intelligence sanctions to be imported into the U.S. to provide millions of dollars, part of which actually did go to the contras (though much of it went to corrupt contra leadership, or was otherwise unaccounted for).



 The significance of the Boland aid cutoff to the contras has been the subject of hundreds, if not thousands of first-hand sworn testimonies by members of the movement, who repeatedly confirm the Boland period as a time when contra-cocaine cooperation went into high gear.

The very minute Boland II took effect, the contra-cocaine deals were being made.